The SHIKHA project works to reduce undernutrition among pregnant women and children under the age of 2. The project scales up maternal nutrition and infant and young child feeding interventions in 26 subdistricts in Bangladesh. SHIKHA is a name inspired by the Bangla term, “shisukekhawano,” which means infant and young child feeding. The project is implemented by FHI 360 and funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development under the Feed the Future initiative. BRAC, another project partner, implements community-level activities.

The project focuses on changing feeding practice behaviors through five core interventions: • Home visits: Nutrition workers record every pregnancy in the community in a registry and follow up with mothers until their children are 2 years old, for a total of 16 home visits ― four visits during pregnancy and 12 after the child is born. • Mobilization: Project staff engage fathers of children under 2 and doctors to encourage good infant and young child feeding behavior in the community. • Health forums: Community meetings, comprised of pregnant women, mothers of children under 2, mothers-in-law and adolescent girls, are held to discuss issues about health and hygiene practices in the community. • Antenatal and postnatal visits: Pregnant women and lactating mothers receive medical care and counseling from community health workers. • Mass media and communication campaign: Seven advertisements, which address specific barriers to good infant and young child feeding practices, appear on national television channels. FHI 360 works in partnership with Asiatic Marketing and Communications Limited to design and execute media campaigns in 1,351 villages in project sub-districts that otherwise lack access to media.

In another embodiment, the AV device is a home video cassette system. No 9 (supplement), S284; Amer J. Physiol - Heart and Circulatory Physiology (1995. Provodyaschaya sistema serdca gistologiya prezentaciya.

SHIKHA engages 4,830 community volunteers, 395 community health workers and 667 nutrition workers through BRAC and trains them in maternal nutrition and infant and young child feeding. The project is partnering with, Bangladesh to conduct household surveys at three intervals: December 2013, January 2015 and January 2016. The surveys will be used to assess progress on knowledge and practice level indicators for maternal nutrition and infant and young child feeding among pregnant women and mothers of children under 2.

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Shemini (Lev. 9–11) contains two main topics: the elaborate sacrificial rites performed on the eighth day of the dedication of the Tabernacle, and the laws regarding kosher and nonkosher animals. The first topic details the numerous sacrifices accompanying the last stages of the dedication of the shrine, which reach an intensity matched only by the yearly rites of the Day of Atonement.

This is no accident, because the annual event is meant to restore the shrine to the purity it possessed on the day it was dedicated. At the end of the ceremony of sacrifice and purification performed by Aaron and his sons, the Kavod—the divine Glory, which had entered the Holiest Place of the Tabernacle (Exod. 40:34)—revealed itself to the people, and shot out a flame of fire that consumed the sacrifices on the altar. The altar fire thus merged with the divine fire. Since that altar flame was never allowed to go out, its perpetual presence in the midst of the camp, as a nightly glow and the cloud of smoke by day, were a sign of the divine Presence in the midst of the People, similar to the pillar of cloud and fire that had led them in the desert. The same was true of the later Temple(s).

The altar fire was a larger form of the eternal light. But the sanctified mood of the day was broken by another fiery act. Two of Aaron’s sons, Nadab and Abihu, offered “strange fire” ( esh zarah), and the divine fire shot out again and consumed them (Lev. The strange fire may have been an offering of unconsecrated incense ( cf. Ketoret zarah in Exod. 30:9); but in context the offering is condemned as one that God had not authorized ( asher lo tzivvah otam).

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That seems to be the crime. All through the dedication rites, it was repeatedly stated that everything was done as God had commanded Moses. Although the prohibition, in this context, against priests drinking alcohol before serving in the shrine perhaps hints that the brothers had imbibed, Nadab and Abihu made the offering—even if well-meaning—on their own initiative. The two consuming fire events—of the sacrifices on the altar and of the miscreant sons—form a play of positive and negative, a warning that priests must be punctilious in the cult or risk death.